Written By: Janel Gale Program Intern, World Affairs Council of Atlanta Student, Georgia Institute of Technology Published: 7/20/2017 |
While its oil
reserves are modest, Oman holds a strategic geographic position overlooking the
Strait of Hormuz, the only water passage connecting the Persian Gulf to an
ocean and through which 30% of the world’s petroleum passes. Since Oman and the
U.S. signed a “Treaty of Amity and Commerce” in 1833, making Oman the U.S.’s
oldest Gulf ally, they have strengthened both diplomatic and economic ties, and
Oman continues to be a crucial ally in the region.
Underlying many of
the conflicts in the Middle East is the tension between the two largest sects
of Islam: Shia and Sunni. As a result, the region has become polarized around
two powerhouses: Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, Oman has mostly stayed out of
this conflict due to its unique demographics: a strong majority of Omanis
follow Ibadism, a much smaller sect of Islam.
While Oman is one of
the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, a regional political and
economic union, it has traditionally resisted GCC pressure and maintained an
independent foreign policy. Most notably, Oman has sustained cordial relations
with Iran. Muscat hosted the secret discussions between Washington and Tehran
which eventually led to the passage of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action,
known colloquially as the Iran Nuclear Deal.
Most recently, Oman’s
neutrality and independence has been seen during the Qatar diplomatic crisis.
On June 5, 2017, three of the six GCC countries—Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the
United Arab Emirates—suddenly cut diplomatic ties with fellow GCC member Qatar,
and several other Arab and African nations followed suit. The three GCC states
also imposed land, sea, and air blockades on Qatar, isolating the food-poor,
peninsular country. The move was led unsurprisingly led by Saudi Arabia, who
cited Qatar’s relationship with Iran and alleged support of terrorism as
reasons for the sudden action.
Oman and Kuwait have
stayed neutral, uncomfortable with Saudi pressure to align with the others
against Iran. They hope to serve as mediators between the two sides, a role
they are familiar with—serving in a similar role between the Saudis and the
Houthis in Yemen and generally working to dissolve tension between Riyadh and
Tehran. The national interests of both countries are threatened by regional
instability, so Oman and Kuwait have a vested interest in a peaceful
settlement. The crisis is the largest threat to the survival of the GCC since
its establishment in 1981.
Saudi Arabia and the
UAE have expressed concern about Oman’s growing relations with Iran, and they
may not believe Oman is truly neutral in the crisis. In fact, Oman has been
assisting Qatar so far, flying Qataris through Iranian airspace and receiving
vessels redirected from Qatari ports, much to the resentment of the Saudis and
Emirates. Kuwait, which is more closely tied to the Saudis and Emirates, will
probably have a better chance at successfully mediating. However, Oman’s
ability to use its geographic positon to ease Qatar’s isolation is leverage it
could possibly use against the blockading countries.
Oman’s strategic
geographic position, Ibadi population, and independent foreign policy allow it
to stay mostly neutral in regional conflicts. Muscat is able to maintain
cordial relations with both Riyadh and Tehran, allowing it to serve as a
mediator between the two and as a valuable ally to the U.S. While often
disregarded, Oman’s unique position gives it power and influence during times
of heightened tension.
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